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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
Ecotourism has emerged globally as one of the fastest-growing segments of the tourism industry, driven by increasing environmental awareness and a desire for authentic nature-based experiences. Unlike conventional mass tourism, ecotourism emphasizes responsible travel to fragile, pristine, and usually protected natural areas while striving to minimize ecological impact and foster environmental stewardship (Weaver, 2018). The International Ecotourism Society (TIES) defines ecotourism as “responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment, sustains the well-being of the local people, and involves interpretation and education” (TIES, 2020, p. 3). This definition underscores the triple bottom line of ecotourism: environmental sustainability, economic viability, and social equity. (TIES, 2020; Weaver, 2018)
The economic dimensions of ecotourism have attracted considerable scholarly attention, particularly regarding its potential to generate revenue for protected area management and local community development. Studies indicate that ecotourism can create direct income streams through park entrance fees, accommodation levies, concession fees, and guided tour permits, while also stimulating indirect economic benefits through backward linkages to local suppliers of goods and services (Spenceley, 2019). In many developing countries, ecotourism has been integrated into poverty reduction strategies, operating under the assumption that when local communities derive tangible economic benefits from conservation, they become active partners in protecting natural resources rather than passive observers or active detractors (Balmford et al., 2020). (Spenceley, 2019; Balmford et al., 2020)
Protected areas worldwide face chronic underfunding, with many national parks operating at less than 30% of their required budgets for effective management. This funding gap has prompted conservation agencies to explore innovative financing mechanisms, among which ecotourism features prominently as a self-sustaining revenue source (Watson et al., 2021). The global protected area estate generates an estimated US$600 billion annually in direct in-situ use values, of which nature-based tourism constitutes a substantial proportion. However, this revenue is highly unevenly distributed, with a handful of iconic parks in wealthy countries or major tourism destinations capturing the majority of economic benefits while countless other protected areas remain economically marginalized (Naidoo et al., 2019). (Watson et al., 2021; Naidoo et al., 2019)
Africa represents a continent where ecotourism has been both celebrated as a conservation success story and critiqued for its limitations. Countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, South Africa, Botswana, and Rwanda have successfully positioned wildlife-based ecotourism as a pillar of their national economies, contributing significantly to gross domestic product, foreign exchange earnings, and employment generation (Okello and Yerian, 2019). The flagship model of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM), particularly well-developed in Namibia and Botswana, has demonstrated that devolving user rights and tourism revenue to local communities can create powerful incentives for wildlife conservation on communal lands. Nevertheless, scholars have cautioned that these successes often depend on high concentrations of charismatic megafauna, stable political environments, and well-developed tourism infrastructure—conditions that are not universally present across the continent (Mbaiwa, 2021). (Okello and Yerian, 2019; Mbaiwa, 2021)
Nigeria, despite being Africa’s most populous nation and largest economy, has historically underperformed in harnessing ecotourism for either conservation financing or rural development. The country possesses an extensive network of protected areas, including seven national parks, over 900 game reserves and forest reserves, and several wetlands designated under the Ramsar Convention, collectively covering approximately 6.5% of Nigeria’s land area (National Park Service, 2020). These areas harbor significant biodiversity, including remnant populations of threatened species such as the African elephant (Loxodonta africana), chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes), and the critically endangered Cross River gorilla (Gorilla gorilla diehli). Despite this biological wealth, Nigeria captures less than 0.5% of Africa’s international tourism receipts, and its national parks receive fewer than 50,000 paying visitors annually—a fraction of the numbers recorded in comparable parks in East or Southern Africa (Adebayo and Adeola, 2020). (National Park Service, 2020; Adebayo and Adeola, 2020)
Several interconnected factors have been identified as constraints on ecotourism development in Nigerian protected areas. These include inadequate transportation infrastructure, particularly roads and bridges leading to and within parks; insufficient accommodation and visitor service facilities; limited marketing and promotion of ecotourism destinations; insecurity in some regions; weak institutional capacity within the National Park Service (NPS); and a policy environment that has historically prioritized extractive uses of protected areas over non-extractive uses such as tourism (Ijeomah and Ogogo, 2020). Additionally, the prevailing governance model for national parks in Nigeria has been characterized as exclusionary, with local communities often displaced from ancestral lands and subsequently denied access to park resources, creating antagonistic relationships that undermine both conservation outcomes and tourism potential (Oyinloye and Ogunjemite, 2019). (Ijeomah and Ogogo, 2020; Oyinloye and Ogunjemite, 2019)
Old Oyo National Park (OONP) occupies a distinctive position within Nigeria’s protected area system and serves as the geographical focus of this study. Established in 1991 through the merger of the former Oyo River Game Reserve and the Upper Ogun Game Reserve, the park covers approximately 2,512 square kilometers across the northern fringe of Oyo State and the southern edge of Kwara State, within the derived savannah ecological zone (Jimoh et al., 2018). The park derives its name from the historic Old Oyo Empire, a powerful Yoruba kingdom that flourished in the region between the 15th and 19th centuries, and the park contains numerous archaeological and cultural heritage sites that distinguish it from purely wildlife-focused protected areas in other parts of Nigeria (Adekola and Adekunle, 2019). (Jimoh et al., 2018; Adekola and Adekunle, 2019)
The biodiversity values of Old Oyo National Park are considerable, though the park lacks the high densities of charismatic megafauna that drive tourism in East African savannahs. The park supports viable populations of several mammal species, including western hartebeest (Alcelaphus buselaphus major), roan antelope (Hippotragus equinus), bushbuck (Tragelaphus scriptus), warthog (Phacochoerus africanus), patas monkey (Erythrocebus patas), and olive baboon (Papio anubis), along with a diverse avifauna of over 180 bird species (Oguntuase and Adeyemo, 2021). The park also contains remnant populations of more threatened species such as the African elephant, which has been the subject of recent reintroduction efforts, and the white-throated guenon (Cercopithecus erythrogaster), a West African endemic primate of conservation concern. These biological resources, while not comparable to the wildlife densities of East Africa, offer authentic nature experiences that could appeal to specialized ecotourists (National Park Service, 2019). (Oguntuase and Adeyemo, 2021; National Park Service, 2019)
What distinguishes Old Oyo National Park from most other Nigerian protected areas is its rich cultural heritage, which offers unique potential for cultural ecotourism. The park contains the ruins of several settlements of the Old Oyo Empire, including the Old Oyo capital city (Oyo-Ile), which is recognized as a UNESCO tentative World Heritage Site (Aremu, 2020). These archaeological sites feature the remains of defensive walls, palace foundations, shrines, and other structures that provide tangible links to a pre-colonial West African civilization of substantial historical significance. The annual Oke-Ibadan festival, celebrated within the park, attracts thousands of pilgrims and cultural tourists, suggesting latent demand for well-organized cultural tourism products that integrate heritage interpretation with nature experiences (Falola and Ogundiran, 2019). (Aremu, 2020; Falola and Ogundiran, 2019)
The human communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park consist predominantly of rural agrarian households engaged in subsistence farming, small-scale livestock rearing, and forest product extraction. Communities in the park’s buffer zones include approximately 200 settlements with an estimated population of over 100,000 people, representing primarily Yoruba and other ethnic groups with long historical connections to the landscape (Ogunjemite and Ajayi, 2020). These communities have historically relied on the park’s resources for fuelwood, non-timber forest products, bushmeat, and medicinal plants, creating persistent human-wildlife conflict and illegal resource extraction that undermine conservation objectives. The park’s management has adopted a law enforcement-oriented approach, which has been largely unsuccessful in eliminating encroachment while simultaneously creating resentment among local populations who perceive the park as an externally imposed constraint on their livelihoods (Afolayan and Afolabi, 2018). (Ogunjemite and Ajayi, 2020; Afolayan and Afolabi, 2018)
The economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park have been the subject of limited empirical investigation, despite the park’s designation as a priority site for tourism development in Nigeria’s National Tourism Master Plan. Available data indicate that annual visitor arrivals to the park average between 5,000 and 8,000 people, the majority of whom are domestic day-trippers from nearby cities such as Ogbomoso, Ilorin, and Ibadan, with international visitors constituting less than 5% of total arrivals (Ayodele and Ogunjinmi, 2021). Revenue generated from park entrance fees, which are set at low levels (approximately US$2 for Nigerian adults and US$10 for international visitors), amounts to less than 10% of the park’s annual operating budget, with the remainder coming from government subventions. This situation exemplifies the broader pattern of financial dependency that characterizes Nigeria’s national park system and limits management effectiveness (Ogunjinmi and Ogunjinmi, 2020). (Ayodele and Ogunjinmi, 2021; Ogunjinmi and Ogunjinmi, 2020)
The supply side of ecotourism at Old Oyo National Park is characterized by limited private sector participation and minimal tourism infrastructure. The park maintains a small rest house for overnight visitors, basic camping facilities, and a network of unpaved roads, but lacks the graded accommodation, interpretive signage, guided tour services, and visitor centers that are standard features of successful ecotourism destinations elsewhere in Africa (Ige and Ogunsanmi, 2019). The park management has attempted to engage private operators through concession arrangements, but these efforts have been hampered by bureaucratic obstacles, limited investor interest, and uncertain policy frameworks. Consequently, the park has failed to capture the value-added revenue associated with accommodation, food services, equipment rental, guided interpretation, and other ancillary services that typically generate the majority of ecotourism income in well-developed destinations (Adebayo, 2020). (Ige and Ogunsanmi, 2019; Adebayo, 2020)
The demand side of ecotourism at Old Oyo National Park remains poorly understood, with limited research on visitor characteristics, preferences, willingness-to-pay (WTP), or expenditure patterns. Existing studies suggest that park visitors are predominantly male, relatively well-educated, and motivated by a combination of nature appreciation, cultural interest, and escape from urban environments (Babanyara and Usman, 2019). However, no comprehensive visitor survey has been conducted that would enable segmentation of the market into distinct ecotourist typologies or estimation of price elasticities for various park services. Furthermore, the potential market among non-visitors—individuals who have not visited the park but might be attracted by improved facilities or marketing—remains entirely unexplored, representing a significant knowledge gap for tourism planning (Ogunjinmi and Olaniyi, 2020). (Babanyara and Usman, 2019; Ogunjinmi and Olaniyi, 2020)
The economic impacts of ecotourism on local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park have received even less empirical attention than visitor demand or park revenue. Preliminary investigations suggest that some community members derive income from providing informal guiding services, selling handicrafts to visitors, participating in park maintenance, or supplying provisions to park staff and occasional tourists (Alarape and Adeola, 2017). However, these benefits are captured by a small minority of households, are generally of low monetary value, and are highly seasonal. No systematic study has quantified the total economic contribution of the park to local livelihoods, estimated the multiplier effects of ecotourism spending, or compared the economic returns from ecotourism with those from alternative land uses such as agriculture or illegal resource extraction (Ijeomah and Alarape, 2019). (Alarape and Adeola, 2017; Ijeomah and Alarape, 2019)
The concept of total economic value (TEV) provides a useful analytical framework for understanding the full range of economic values associated with Old Oyo National Park, of which ecotourism represents only one component. The TEV framework distinguishes between use values (direct use values such as tourism and recreation, indirect use values such as ecosystem services, and option values representing future potential uses) and non-use values (existence values and bequest values) (Pearce and Moran, 2019). While several contingent valuation studies have been conducted on Nigerian protected areas to estimate WTP for conservation or entrance fees, none have comprehensively applied the TEV framework to Old Oyo National Park, resulting in an incomplete understanding of how ecotourism values compare with other values derived from the park’s natural and cultural assets (Adekunle and Adedipe, 2020). (Pearce and Moran, 2019; Adekunle and Adedipe, 2020)
The institutional and policy context for ecotourism development in Old Oyo National Park is shaped by multiple layers of governance, including the federal-level National Park Service (NPS), which has statutory responsibility for all national parks in Nigeria, and state and local government authorities that exercise jurisdiction over land use and economic activities in buffer zones. The National Tourism Development Plan (2019-2024) identifies ecotourism as a strategic priority and calls for increased private sector investment in protected area tourism, but implementation has been slow, and coordination between NPS and the Federal Ministry of Tourism remains imperfect (Federal Ministry of Information and Culture, 2020). Additionally, the absence of a specific ecotourism policy or regulatory framework for community-private sector partnerships has created uncertainty that discourages investment and innovation (Oladeji and Okunlola, 2018). (Federal Ministry of Information and Culture, 2020; Oladeji and Okunlola, 2018)
Comparative analysis with ecotourism development in other West African protected areas suggests potential pathways for enhancing the economic performance of Old Oyo National Park. Parks in Benin (Pendjari National Park), Ghana (Kakum National Park), and Senegal (Niokolo-Koba National Park) have achieved modest but meaningful success in growing visitor numbers and generating conservation revenue through strategies including public-private partnerships, targeted marketing to the diaspora and European markets, development of canopy walkways and other distinctive attractions, and community revenue-sharing arrangements (Van der Duim and Ampene, 2020). These cases demonstrate that while West Africa does not rival East Africa in wildlife tourism, creative product development and effective management can nonetheless create viable ecotourism enterprises that contribute to conservation financing and local economic development. However, each context is unique, and lessons from other countries must be carefully adapted to the specific conditions of Old Oyo National Park (Obua and Turyomurugyendo, 2019). (Van der Duim and Ampene, 2020; Obua and Turyomurugyendo, 2019)
In summary, the economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park represent an under-researched domain with significant implications for both conservation and rural development policy. The park possesses valuable natural and cultural assets that could, under appropriate management arrangements, generate meaningful economic benefits for park management and surrounding communities. However, current economic outcomes are far below potential, constrained by inadequate infrastructure, limited private sector participation, weak institutional frameworks, and insufficient understanding of market demand and economic impacts. Addressing these knowledge gaps through rigorous empirical research is a necessary precondition for evidence-based policy formulation and management planning that can unlock the economic potential of ecotourism while ensuring environmental sustainability and social equity. This study therefore seeks to investigate the economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park, focusing on visitor preferences and willingness-to-pay, economic impacts on local communities, and policy options for enhancing economic outcomes (Akinsorotan and Ogunjemite, 2021; Oyebade and Adekunle, 2021). (Akinsorotan and Ogunjemite, 2021; Oyebade and Adekunle, 2021)
1.2 Statement of the Problems
Old Oyo National Park, despite its considerable natural and cultural heritage assets, operates significantly below its economic potential as an ecotourism destination. The park attracts fewer than 10,000 visitors annually, generates insufficient revenue to cover even a modest proportion of its operating costs, and provides minimal economic benefits to the surrounding rural communities that bear substantial opportunity costs from restricted access to park resources (Ayodele and Ogunjinmi, 2021). This situation is paradoxical: a protected area established partly for public recreation and economic development fails to deliver either outcome, yet continues to receive government subventions that could be deployed elsewhere.
The chronic underfunding of Old Oyo National Park creates a vicious cycle that undermines both conservation effectiveness and tourism potential. With limited financial resources, the park management cannot maintain infrastructure, employ adequate law enforcement staff, conduct wildlife monitoring, develop visitor facilities, or mount promotional campaigns. Poor infrastructure and few visitor amenities deter potential tourists, resulting in low visitation and minimal revenue generation, which in turn perpetuates financial constraints (National Park Service, 2020). This cycle must be broken if the park is to fulfill its mandate and contribute meaningfully to Nigeria’s biodiversity conservation and economic development objectives.
A fundamental economic problem is that the pricing structure for park entry and services at Old Oyo National Park appears not to reflect market realities or conservation costs. Entrance fees are set at administratively determined levels that have not been adjusted for inflation for over a decade and bear no systematic relationship to visitor willingness-to-pay, the park’s conservation value, or the costs of managing visitor impacts (Ogunjinmi and Ogunjinmi, 2020). Consequently, the park fails to capture consumer surplus that could be redirected to conservation, while simultaneously sending price signals that do not encourage efficient use patterns or generate adequate revenue.
The absence of systematic data on visitor willingness-to-pay (WTP) for ecotourism services at Old Oyo National Park represents a critical knowledge gap that impedes rational pricing and investment decisions. Park managers cannot determine optimal entrance fees, evaluate the financial viability of proposed facility improvements, or assess the trade-offs between increased visitation and resource protection without credible estimates of how visitors value different attributes of the ecotourism experience (Babanyara and Usman, 2019). This information deficit leaves management to operate on the basis of untested assumptions, resulting in suboptimal outcomes.
A related problem concerns the heterogeneity of visitor preferences and the potential for market segmentation that could increase both visitation and revenue. Not all potential visitors value the same attributes of an ecotourism experience; some may prioritize wildlife viewing, others cultural heritage interpretation, others adventure activities, and others simple relaxation in a natural setting (Ogunjinmi and Olaniyi, 2020). Without empirical identification of distinct visitor segments and their respective preferences, the park management cannot develop differentiated products, targeted marketing strategies, or tiered pricing structures that would maximize both visitor satisfaction and economic returns.
The economic impacts of ecotourism on local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park have not been systematically quantified, representing a second major knowledge gap. While anecdotal evidence suggests that some community members derive casual income from informal tourism-related activities, no study has estimated the total number of households benefiting, the average income increment attributable to ecotourism, or the distributional pattern of these benefits across different socioeconomic groups (Ijeomah and Alarape, 2019). Without such data, claims that ecotourism is benefiting local communities—frequently advanced in policy documents—remain unsubstantiated assertions rather than evidence-based conclusions.
Furthermore, the opportunity costs that local communities incur from restricted access to Old Oyo National Park have never been comprehensively valued. Communities displaced from their ancestral lands and subsequently denied access to park resources for hunting, fuelwood collection, grazing, and non-timber forest product harvesting have forgone substantial economic benefits (Afolayan and Afolabi, 2018). Ecotourism can only be justified as an economically efficient land use if the benefits it generates exceed the forgone benefits from alternative uses, but the absence of opportunity cost estimates prevents any such assessment. This is particularly problematic given persistent illegal resource extraction, which suggests that perceived benefits from poaching and encroachment exceed perceived benefits from compliance.
The distribution of whatever economic benefits do accrue from ecotourism at Old Oyo National Park is likely to be highly unequal, potentially exacerbating existing social inequalities rather than alleviating poverty. Wealthier households with better education, social connections, and access to capital are better positioned to capture tourism-related income opportunities than poorer households, while women and youth may be systematically excluded from certain types of benefits (Ogunjemite and Ajayi, 2020). This distributional problem has received virtually no empirical attention, yet it is central to evaluating whether ecotourism contributes to or undermines the poverty reduction and social equity goals that are often invoked in its justification.
The institutional arrangements governing ecotourism at Old Oyo National Park present a third set of problems that constrain economic performance. The current governance structure vests primary authority in the federal National Park Service, with limited formal roles for state governments, local government authorities, community organizations, or private sector actors (Oladeji and Okunlola, 2018). This centralized, exclusive model contrasts sharply with the collaborative, multi-stakeholder governance arrangements that have proven more effective in other contexts, and it may be particularly ill-suited to the cultural and political context of southwestern Nigeria.
Specifically, the absence of any formal mechanism for revenue sharing between park management and local communities creates perverse incentives that undermine both conservation and economic development. When community members perceive that all tourism revenue accrues to the federal government with no local benefit, they have no economic incentive to support conservation or facilitate ecotourism operations (Alarape and Adeola, 2017). Indeed, they may actively discourage tourism or continue illegal resource extraction as a rational economic response to a system that excludes them from benefits while imposing costs. Some form of benefit-sharing arrangement would seem necessary to align incentives, but the design of such arrangements requires empirical evidence on community preferences and institutional capacities.
Private sector participation in ecotourism at Old Oyo National Park remains minimal, despite the recognized potential for public-private partnerships to bring investment capital, management expertise, and marketing capabilities that government agencies typically lack. The park has attempted to engage private operators for accommodation, guided tours, and other services, but these efforts have been frustrated by bureaucratic hurdles, unclear concession policies, and limited investor confidence (Adebayo, 2020). The policy and regulatory framework for ecotourism concessions in Nigerian national parks is underdeveloped, lacking transparent bidding processes, clear performance standards, equitable revenue-sharing formulas, and dispute resolution mechanisms.
The carrying capacity of Old Oyo National Park for ecotourism—the maximum level of visitation that can be sustained without unacceptable environmental or social impacts—has never been scientifically determined. While current visitation levels are far below any plausible carrying capacity threshold, any successful ecotourism development strategy would increase visitation, potentially creating trade-offs between economic benefits and conservation objectives (Ige and Ogunsanmi, 2019). Without empirical estimates of ecological and social carrying capacities, management cannot establish sustainable visitation targets, design effective visitor management strategies, or anticipate potential negative impacts of increased tourism.
The macroeconomic significance of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park is not currently tracked through official statistics, making it invisible in regional and national economic accounts. Visitor numbers, expenditure patterns, employment generation, and value-added contributions are not systematically collected or reported, so the park’s economic contribution cannot be compared with other sectors or other protected areas (Ayodele and Ogunjinmi, 2021). This statistical invisibility perpetuates the marginalization of ecotourism in policy debates and budget allocation processes, as policymakers cannot see what is not measured.
A final set of problems concerns the sustainability of ecotourism financing for park management. Even if visitation and revenue were substantially increased, it remains unclear whether ecotourism income could be reliably retained by park management for reinvestment in conservation rather than reverting to the central government’s consolidated revenue fund (Ogunjinmi and Ogunjinmi, 2020). The current financial management framework does not provide for ring-fencing of park-generated revenue, creating a weak link between revenue generation and management effectiveness. This institutional flaw reduces the incentive for park managers to prioritize revenue generation and may render moot any technical solutions to pricing or marketing problems.
In summary, the economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park are characterized by multiple, interconnected problems spanning the demand side (limited visitation, unknown WTP, unsegmented markets), the supply side (inadequate infrastructure, minimal private investment, weak institutions), and the impact side (unquantified local benefits, unknown distributional patterns, unvalued opportunity costs). These problems are not merely academic; they have tangible consequences for conservation outcomes and human welfare. Addressing them requires a systematic, empirical investigation that can generate the evidence base for policy reform and management improvement, which is the central purpose of this study.
1.3 Aim of the Study
The aim of this study is to investigate the economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park, Nigeria, with a view to providing evidence-based recommendations for enhancing the economic contributions of the park to conservation financing and local community development.
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The specific objectives of this study are to:
- Assess the current state of ecotourism development in Old Oyo National Park, including visitor profiles, infrastructure, and institutional arrangements.
- Estimate visitors’ willingness-to-pay for ecotourism services and determine the optimal pricing structure for park entrance fees.
- Evaluate the economic impacts of ecotourism on local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park, including income generation and employment effects.
- Examine the institutional and policy constraints affecting ecotourism revenue generation and benefit-sharing mechanisms.
- Develop a strategic framework for enhancing the economic contributions of ecotourism to conservation financing and local community development in Old Oyo National Park.
1.5 Research Questions
This study seeks to answer the following research questions:
- What is the current state of ecotourism development in Old Oyo National Park, and what are the characteristics of its visitors?
- How much are visitors willing to pay for entrance fees and other ecotourism services in Old Oyo National Park, and what factors influence their willingness-to-pay?
- What are the direct and indirect economic impacts of ecotourism on local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park?
- What institutional and policy constraints limit ecotourism revenue generation and equitable benefit-sharing at Old Oyo National Park?
- What strategic interventions can enhance the economic contributions of ecotourism to conservation financing and community development in Old Oyo National Park?
1.6 Research Hypotheses
Hypothesis One
- Null Hypothesis (H₀₁): There is no significant relationship between visitor sociodemographic characteristics (income, education, age) and willingness-to-pay for ecotourism services in Old Oyo National Park.
- Alternative Hypothesis (H₁₁): There is a significant relationship between visitor sociodemographic characteristics (income, education, age) and willingness-to-pay for ecotourism services in Old Oyo National Park.
Hypothesis Two
- Null Hypothesis (H₀₂): There is no significant difference in willingness-to-pay for park entrance fees between domestic and international visitors to Old Oyo National Park.
- Alternative Hypothesis (H₁₂): There is a significant difference in willingness-to-pay for park entrance fees between domestic and international visitors to Old Oyo National Park.
Hypothesis Three
- Null Hypothesis (H₀₃): Ecotourism activities have no significant positive impact on household income levels among local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park.
- Alternative Hypothesis (H₁₃): Ecotourism activities have a significant positive impact on household income levels among local communities surrounding Old Oyo National Park.
Hypothesis Four
- Null Hypothesis (H₀₄): There is no significant relationship between the quality of park infrastructure and facilities and visitor satisfaction levels at Old Oyo National Park.
- Alternative Hypothesis (H₁₄): There is a significant relationship between the quality of park infrastructure and facilities and visitor satisfaction levels at Old Oyo National Park.
Hypothesis Five
- Null Hypothesis (H₀₅): There is no significant relationship between ecotourism revenue levels and the effectiveness of conservation management outcomes in Old Oyo National Park.
- Alternative Hypothesis (H₁₅): There is a significant relationship between ecotourism revenue levels and the effectiveness of conservation management outcomes in Old Oyo National Park.
1.7 Significance of the Study
This study is significant for several interrelated reasons. First, it will generate primary empirical data on the economics of ecotourism in Old Oyo National Park, filling a critical knowledge gap that has constrained evidence-based policy formulation and management planning. Second, the findings will provide practical guidance for park managers on optimal pricing strategies, visitor segmentation, and investment priorities, enabling more efficient and effective resource allocation. Third, the study will offer local communities, civil society organizations, and policymakers empirical evidence on the actual economic impacts of ecotourism on rural livelihoods, facilitating more informed debates about benefit-sharing arrangements and community engagement models. Fourth, the research will contribute to the broader academic literature on ecotourism economics in West Africa, a region that remains underrepresented in the global ecotourism research corpus. Fifth, the strategic framework developed through this study will provide a replicable template that can be adapted for other protected areas in Nigeria and elsewhere in West Africa facing similar challenges. Finally, by demonstrating both the potential and the limitations of ecotourism as a conservation financing mechanism, the study will contribute to national policy debates about sustainable financing for protected area management.
1.8 Scope of the Study
The geographical scope of this study is limited to Old Oyo National Park, located in Oyo and Kwara States, southwestern Nigeria. The park covers approximately 2,512 square kilometers, and the study encompasses the park’s core area, its immediate buffer zones, and the surrounding communities within a 10-kilometer radius of the park boundary. The thematic scope focuses specifically on the economics of ecotourism, including demand-side analysis (visitor preferences, willingness-to-pay, expenditure patterns), supply-side analysis (infrastructure, institutions, pricing), and impact analysis (local economic impacts, income generation, employment). The study does not extend to the ecology or biodiversity of the park except insofar as ecological conditions affect tourism potential. The temporal scope covers the period 2015-2025, with primary data collection conducted between 2024 and 2025. The respondent scope includes park visitors (domestic and international), park management staff, local community members (both directly and indirectly involved in tourism), private sector operators, and relevant government officials.
1.9 Limitation of the Study
Several limitations inherent in this study should be acknowledged. First, the study relies substantially on stated preference methods (contingent valuation) to estimate willingness-to-pay, which are subject to hypothetical bias—respondents may state a willingness-to-pay that differs from what they would actually pay in a real market transaction. Second, the low current visitation levels to Old Oyo National Park (fewer than 10,000 annually) will constrain the sample size of visitors that can be surveyed, potentially limiting the statistical power of some analyses. Third, seasonality in visitation (with peaks during festivals and dry seasons) may affect the representativeness of cross-sectional survey data. Fourth, the absence of comprehensive park-level economic data (visitor counts, expenditure records, employment statistics) means that the study must rely on primary data collection, with associated challenges of recall bias and non-response. Fifth, the security situation in some parts of northern Oyo State and southern Kwara State may constrain access to certain communities and require adjustments to the sampling frame. Sixth, the study is cross-sectional rather than longitudinal, so causal inferences about the impacts of ecotourism on community livelihoods must be made cautiously. Seventh, the findings are specific to Old Oyo National Park and its particular socioecological context, so generalizability to other protected areas in Nigeria or elsewhere is limited without appropriate contextual adjustments. Despite these limitations, the study is designed to employ rigorous methods, appropriate validity checks, and transparent reporting to maximize the credibility and usefulness of its findings.
1.10 Definition of Terms
Ecotourism: Responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment, sustains the well-being of local people, and involves interpretation and education (adapted from TIES, 2020). In this study, ecotourism encompasses all nature-based and culture-based tourism activities occurring within Old Oyo National Park that claim to meet these sustainability criteria.
Economics of Ecotourism: The branch of environmental and resource economics that examines the production, distribution, and consumption of ecotourism goods and services, including valuation of ecotourism resources, estimation of visitor demand, assessment of economic impacts, and analysis of policy interventions.
Willingness-to-Pay (WTP): The maximum amount of money an individual would be willing to sacrifice for a specified quantity or quality of an ecotourism service (e.g., park entrance, guided tour, accommodation) without experiencing a reduction in overall welfare.
Contingent Valuation Method (CVM): A survey-based stated preference technique used to estimate the economic value of non-market goods and services by asking respondents directly about their willingness-to-pay for specified changes in the provision of those goods.
Consumer Surplus: The difference between what visitors would be willing to pay for an ecotourism experience and what they actually pay, representing the net economic benefit that visitors derive from the experience.
Economic Impact: The net change in economic activity (measured in terms of income, employment, output, or value-added) in a defined geographical area (e.g., local communities surrounding a park) resulting from ecotourism-related spending, including direct, indirect, and induced effects.
Benefit-Sharing: The distribution of financial and non-financial benefits derived from ecotourism (e.g., revenue, employment, infrastructure) among stakeholders, particularly between park management authorities and local communities.
Protected Area: A clearly defined geographical space recognized, dedicated, and managed through legal or other effective means to achieve the long-term conservation of nature with associated ecosystem services and cultural values (IUCN definition). In this study, Old Oyo National Park is the relevant protected area.
Carrying Capacity (Tourism): The maximum level of visitor use that a protected area can accommodate without causing unacceptable deterioration of natural resources, visitor experience quality, or community well-being.
Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM): An approach to conservation that devolves rights and responsibilities for natural resource management to local communities, often including arrangements for communities to benefit economically from sustainable resource use including ecotourism.
Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFPs): Biological resources harvested from forests other than timber, including fruits, nuts, seeds, medicinal plants, honey, and bushmeat, which often provide important livelihood inputs for communities surrounding protected areas.
Opportunity Cost: The value of the best alternative use of a resource that is foregone when a particular course of action is pursued. In this study, opportunity costs refer to the economic value of foregone activities (e.g., farming, hunting) when land is designated as a protected area.
Multiplier Effect: The ripple effect of tourist spending through an economy, where money spent by visitors is re-spent by recipients on local goods and services, generating additional rounds of economic activity beyond the initial expenditure.
Public-Private Partnership (PPP): A contractual arrangement between a government agency (e.g., National Park Service) and a private sector entity whereby the private party assumes substantial risk and management responsibility for delivering a public service (e.g., ecotourism facilities) in exchange for specified revenue streams.
